西元1966年高雄設置全球第一座加工出口區 (Castells, 1996)，接著籌建楠梓加工出口區及台中加工出口區，並於1971年兩區分別建成，為一兼具自由貿易區與工業區兩者之長的綜合園區。加工出口區扮演台灣在全球生產網絡中的重要節點 ，1960年代正值歐、美、日等工業化國家製造業開始外移至第一代新興工業化國家，台灣加工出口區作為吸納這一波外移的空間，而1990年代起，台灣製造業開始外移至第二代新興工業化國家。此外，加工出口區發展至今四十幾年來，歷經不斷的產業轉型與升級，就產值來說加工出口區始終保有其優勢。然而勞工的個人薪資卻逐年下降。本研究從全球生產網絡中，以楠梓加工區為個案研究，理解台灣的加工出口區發展過程的勞動結構。
從女性勞工的處境來看，自1970年代以來，台灣政府透過勞力密集產業作為經濟發展策略，此策略為當時鄉村女性提供就業機會，也帶動台灣經濟成長。加工出口區發展至今已四十餘載，儘管經歷經濟再結構和地方勞動市場的轉變，從地方脈絡及偶然性來看，兩者一直是形塑勞動市場的重要角色。特別是鑲嵌於女性勞工日常生活的勞動力量，該勞動力量如何協助女性勞工在全球生產需求減少時，暫時離開加工區，待需求恢復後，再回流至加工區。
從外籍勞工的處境來看，1994年後，區內引進外籍勞工補足勞力不足的情形，卻也改變加工區勞動市場，勞工不再像過去與地方脈絡緊密相連，當生產需求降低時，外籍勞工僅能回到自己國家，顯示勞動力量較過去薄弱。
過去研究經濟轉型時，較少聚焦於個人能動性。因此，本論文旨在補足該部分，強調勞工能動性，以及如何創造勞動市場的尺度。

Since the late 1970s, the Taiwan’s government has sought to develop industry based on the export of labour-intensive industry such as garment and electrical goods manufacturing. Export of these goods from Taiwan has provided employment for many women who might otherwise not have found work, especially for single young rural girls. Forty years later, despite the consequences of economic restructuring and local labour market change, the role of local context and contingency has still been important in the shaping of labour market outcomes. However, there is little sense of agency for individuals in the midst of economic restructuring.
Therefore, my purpose is to highlight the agency of workers and how to make scale in labour market. I will argue that we should not ignore the labour power embodied in the everyday strategies employed by women to respond demands. Further scrutiny must be paid to the role that the home space plays in supporting these everyday strategies.

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