研究生: |
謝雁茹 Yen-ju Joy Hsieh |
---|---|
論文名稱: |
論客語的否定詞與疑問句 On Negation and Interrogatives in Hakka |
指導教授: |
吳曉虹
Wu, Hsiao-Hung |
學位類別: |
碩士 Master |
系所名稱: |
英語學系 Department of English |
論文出版年: | 2013 |
畢業學年度: | 101 |
語文別: | 英文 |
論文頁數: | 73 |
中文關鍵詞: | 客語 、疑問句 、否定詞 、正反問句 |
英文關鍵詞: | Hakka, Interrogatives, Negation, A-not-A questions |
論文種類: | 學術論文 |
相關次數: | 點閱:141 下載:28 |
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本研究主要著重在兩種句末否定詞的問句(VP-NEG questions),分別是當句末否定詞為mo或是mang的句構,藉由呈現客語VP-mo問句和中文正反問句的相同處(短語答句、副詞、語氣詞、能產度、中性問句),我主張客語的VP-mo問句其實就是我們所謂的正反問句,有鑒於這些相同處,我承接了黃(1991)在對中文正反問句的分析時所提出疑問曲折詞組(Interrogative INFL)的抽象概念,我認為VP-mo問句中的mo其實就是疑問曲折詞組的體現。在這樣的分析之下,我提出客語VP-mo問句的形成歷經了兩個階段,首先,否定詞mo歷經了NEG-I-C的位移,再者IP會整個移位到CP spcifier而得到疑問的語意。這樣的分析也適用於分析VP-mang問句的形成,雖然VP-mang不屬於正反問句,但由於mang自身就帶有時貌的語意,進而驅使了否定詞mang歷經NEG-I-C的位移。
另外,此研究也重新檢視了前人對客語疑問句的分類,我認為前人的觀察中,有三項是需要修正的,第一,客語句末的mo不應等同於中文句末的’嗎’,更進一步的說客語句末mo疑問句不應該被歸類為語助詞問句,因為真正的語助詞問句應該要可以跟否定詞一起出現;第二,我證明客語A-ya-m-A的句構不該被視為正反問句,因為A-ya-m-A不受限於孤島約束而且它的正向結構(A)和反向結構(not-A)是可以互換的;第三,我提出[you......mo]被視為正反問句的真正原因是因為mo為疑問曲折詞組的體現,並不是因為you和mo分別擔任A 和not-A的角色,證據來自於在[you......mo]這樣的問句中,省略you並不會改變疑問的語意,這點和中文的正反問句完全不同,因為省略正向結構(A)或反向結構(not-A)都會使得原來的句子喪失疑問的語意。
This study focuses on two kinds of VP-NEG questions in Hakka, VP-mo questions and VP-mang questions. I argue that Hakka VP-mo question is a type of A-not-A question by demonstrating the affinities between Hakka VP-mo questions and Mandarin A-not-A questions (fragment answer, adverbs, particles, productivity, and neutral questions). Granted these similarities, I claim that mo is the overt realization of the A-not-A morpheme embedded under the interrogative INFL node in the spirit of Huang’s (1991) Modularity approach. In this way, I propose that Hakka VP-mo questions are formed by two steps. First, the negator mo undergoes NEG-I-C movement. Then the remaining IP is moved to the spec of CP for forming questions. This analysis can also apply to VP-mang questions. Though VP-mang question is not a type of A-not-A question, the negator mang inherently bears aspectual meaning, which serves as a motivation of NEG-I-C movement.
I also re-evaluate previous classification of Hakka interrogatives. In this study, three kinds of mistaken ideas are modified. First, I show that Hakka sentence final mo is not equal to Mandarin ma. Thus, statements with mo in the sentence final position should not be viewed as particle questions because a true particle question is compatible with negators. Second, I demonstrate that A-ya-m-A questions actually belong to alternative questions because they are free from island constraints and the order of the positive and negative element can be exchanged. Third, I discuss the inherent reason why [you......mo] construction noted in the previous literature can be treated as A-not-A questions. I demonstrate that you is not obligatory in [you......mo] construction, contrary to Mandarin A-not-A questions in which the A part and not-A part should co-exist. Absence of either A part or not-A part will convert the questions into a declarative sentence.
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