鑑於兒童霸凌行為在國小校園的普遍性以及其對兒童身心健康的影響重大且深遠，如何幫助這類兒童及其家庭對於諮商與輔導工作者是一項挑戰。實務研究發現與家長合作是輔導霸凌兒童的重要策略，因此深入探究涉入霸凌兒童的家庭歷程以建立本土化的親職知識有其必要。
本研究目的之一是深入探究涉入霸凌行為兒童家長的親職經驗，目的之二是瞭解影響家長親職行為的生態脈絡因素。本研究採用敘事取向質性研究法，藉以透過故事敘說深入和豐富化受訪者的親職經驗。進一步，本研究的第三項目的在於分析受訪者在敘事歷程中對於親職意義的再理解。
本研究的主要參與者三位涉入霸凌行為男童的母親，同時也是兒童主要照顧者接受訪談。受訪者接受訪談的時間，依其參與意願分別接受3到6次不等的訪談，每次訪談時間約2.5小時。訪談分析步驟除了考量回應研究目的外，並採用Lieblich et al.（1998）所建議的類別分析的研究策略進行分析。
歸納本研究結果具有以下要點：（1）就親子關係而言，涉入霸凌行為的兒童家長呈現「高期待、高管控、低同理心」的親職型態。（2）家長在處理兒童的對立反抗或問題行為時，呈現較多「以威權壓制對立行為」的親職模式，此外，兒童也呈現以嫌惡的情緒壓制家長的威權管教，陷入以嫌惡行為壓制對方的「家庭壓制歷程」當中。（3）本研究兩位肢霸和一位語霸兒童的家庭地位與家長教養型態呈現差異。相對於語霸兒童家庭，肢霸兒童在家庭手足當中具有優越地位；親子界線模糊，親子關係黏膩且保護的親職型態。（4）「以威權壓制不順服行為」是代間複製的親職型態，這一代家長處理孩子「不順服」的親職策略與其上一代的親職策略相仿；下一代所呈現的親職行為雖有所改變，其親職行為的本質仍為以強制順服的經驗。（5）就親師合作層面而言，涉入霸凌行為兒童家長與老師合作解決兒童問題行為的合作經驗多是負向且挫敗的。（7）影響涉入霸凌行為家長親職行為的社會文化因素包括：「傳統和現代交互衝擊下的台灣親職文化」、華人「親子一體感」的影響、「強調順服的華人傳統文化」以及「台灣社會對於升學主義的集體焦慮」。另外，（9）兩位受訪者呈現親職再敘說的現象，影響親職經驗再敘說的因素則包括敘事對話的互動歷程、時間歷程的深化、以及參與敘事的動機強度等。
針對本研究的發現與討論，研究者做出以下建議：（1）應針對兒童不順服行為的處理進行親職輔導和諮詢；（2）學術界需要更多、更長期與更趨近實境的本土化親職與家庭研究；（3）學校部分：建立親、師、與專業合作的機制處理兒童霸凌行為問題；以及（4）設置兒童諮商與研究行為中心，對兒童問題行為和處遇方案進行長期的研究，以提供實務證據（evidence-based）為基礎的處遇方案。

The current research intended to explore (1) the parenting experience of the bully’s parents, and (2) the ecological influences on the parenting behaviors through the narrative study approach..
Three mothers were recruited through the counseling office of the elementary schools to participate in the research, with ages of 38, 41, and 39 respectively. Their children who involved in bully behaviors at school were 5th, 6th, and 4th grades each. Each participant was interviewed from 3 to 6 times according to their wishes and about 2.5 hour each time. The interviews were recorded into written transcripts and analyzed by using category analysis suggested by Lieblich et.al.(1998).
The results of the analysis included: (A) The parent-child experiences of the bully parents were characterized as “high expectations, high control, and low empathy” experiences. (B) In dealing with the children’s non-compliance behaviors, the parents generally used their authorities to suppress the children’s behaviors. In addition, the children were reported to use aversive and emotional behaviors to suppress their parent’s coercive disciplining. The dynamics of the two were similar to the coercive family processes that Patterson (1982), Patterson et al. (1992), & Reid et al. (2002). (C) The parenting styles of physical bully’s were different from of the verbal bully. In contrast to the verbal bully, the physical bullies had superior family status than their siblings in the eyes of parents. The parenting styles of the physical bullies were enmeshed and protective; the parent-child boundaries were blurred. In contrast, the parenting styles of the verbal bully were neglectful; the parent-child boundaries were distant. (D) The Microsystems-family of the origin of the participants has the strongest impacts to the participants. ‘Disciplining non-compliance with authoritarian parenting style’ was the intergenerational parenting styles that parents adopted from their family of origin. The parents of this generation might change some parenting styles, but they used “controlled” parenting styles just like their parents. (E) The Mesosystems of the parents’ ecology, the parent-teacher cooperation of this study was negative and frustrate. The parents expressed the negative experiences of being blamed, oppressed, or hurt in their cooperation process. (F) The Macrosystems-social and culture aspects of the participants included: the unique Taiwan culture that has multi-impacts from the traditions and the moderns, the feelings that parent-child as an unity in Chinese, the overemphasis of filial piety and obedience of Chinese culture, and the collective anxiety of credentialism and Diploma doctrines in Taiwan society. Finally, the recommendations and suggestions with regard to the parenting education, counseling interventions, and future research areas were discussed.

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